The assassination of Supreme Court judges Mohammad Moghiseh and Ali Razini reveals the intricate power dynamics within the Islamic Republic's judicial system, where influence often outweighs official titles.
Ali Razini played a major role in shaping Iran's power structure. His most impactful decision was sentencing Mehdi Hashemi, Hossein Ali Montazeri's brother-in-law, to death, which led to Montazeri's removal as the Supreme Leader's deputy and closed the door on his potential succession to the top job.
After succeeding Asadollah Lajevardi as Revolutionary Court prosecutor and head of the Prisons Organization in the 1980s, Razini survived an assassination attempt by the Mahdaviyat group in the same year that Lajevardi was killed by the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (MEK).
Twenty-six years later, a second attempt on his life proved fatal.
In contrast, Mohammad Moghiseh's career highlights how one could reach the Supreme Court without mastering political maneuvering.
Despite his role in the 1988 mass executions, his limited legal and political expertise kept him from attaining top management positions.
While he was serving on the Supreme Court when he was assassinated, he did not have the same broader influence as Razini.
Both judges faced corruption allegations. Razini’s involvement in major economic cases, including those linked to the sons of Mohammad Mosaddeq Kahnamouei, the deputy head of the judiciary, adds ambiguity to the motives behind his assassination. While Moghiseh also handled economic cases and accepted bribes, his corruption never reached the scale of Razini's.
Ali Razini and the Leadership Succession in the 1980s
Ali Razini, born in Changarin, a village in the Razan district of Hamedan, was part of the "Haqqani Seminary" faction within the judiciary.
This seminary, closely tied to Mohammad Beheshti, a key figure in the Revolutionary Council, became a training ground for many of the Islamic Republic's judicial officials.
Razini once said that at the start of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, he and several others, including former intelligence minister Ali Younesi, were tasked with reviewing drug-related cases initially handled by Sadeq Khalkhali.
His subsequent rise in the judiciary was closely tied to his role in suppressing members of the MEK in Razavi Khorasan province.
Bojnourd, in Razavi Khorasan, was one of the first places where MEK offices were attacked, even before tensions escalated between the organization and Ruhollah Khomeini.
Razini recalled issuing death sentences for five people in Bojnourd despite objections from higher-ranking officials and insisted that such measures were necessary to end the MEK's activities in the area.
Razini’s career further advanced when he became the prosecutor general of Razavi Khorasan and played a central role in numerous executions. Following Asadollah Lajevardi’s dismissal as Tehran’s prosecutor, Razini was appointed his successor.
A contentious case during both Lajevardi’s and Razini’s tenures was the August 8, 1981, bombing at the Prime Minister’s Office.
Lajevardi had been determined to prosecute individuals like Behzad Nabavi in connection to the incident, a pursuit that continued during Razini’s time in office.
The years 1986 and 1987 marked the height of Razini’s influence. He issued the death sentence for Mehdi Hashemi, a pivotal move that later secured his appointment as the prosecutor for military courts.
According to Mohammad Salehimanesh, governor of Qom during Hassan Rouhani's presidency, Razini was specifically chosen as the presiding judge of the Special Clerical Court because he had promised Ahmad Khomeini that he would ensure Hashemi’s execution.
Salehimanesh, a former intelligence ministry official, recounted, "After Mehdi Hashemi’s arrest in Jamaran, Ahmad Khomeini entered a meeting and asked, ‘Who is willing to issue this Seyyed’s death sentence if necessary?’ Razini responded, ‘I will.’"
A year later, Ayatollah Khomeini issued an order that empowered Razini to establish "special wartime courts in all war zones" and to adjudicate crimes without bureaucratic constraints.
Razini’s mandate led to confrontations with commanders, including Mohsen Rezaei, then commander-in-chief of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).
However, Razini enjoyed the backing of the Supreme Leader’s office and other senior political figures of the time.
One notable confrontation was his arrest of Ahmad Vahidi, the military governor of Kermanshah, who later became the first commander of the IRGC’s Quds Force and the interior minister in Ebrahim Raisi’s administration.
Former President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani noted in his memoirs that Vahidi’s arrest angered IRGC commanders.
Razini later explained that Vahidi’s detention stemmed from disagreements over documents obtained from the MEK. The Ministry of Intelligence believed the documents should remain under its control, while other entities refused to hand them over.
Razini claimed that he had not formally arrested Vahidi but had confined him to his office to "convince him to hand over the documents."
In 1999, Ali Razini survived an assassination attempt by the Mahdaviyat group, which had attached a bomb to his vehicle, killing a passerby. The victim's family later pardoned the perpetrators in exchange for blood money, and Razini forgave the assailants in subsequent years.
The Mahdaviyat group was led by Hossein Milani, a member of the prominent Milani family, who was sentenced to five years in prison and died a few years later.
Another defendant, Gholamreza Ameli, accused Razini of betraying the Islamic Revolution and Islam through financial misconduct and issuing execution orders.
At the time, rumors about a “moral corruption” case against Razini circulated, which led Milani to issue the attack and call it a fatwa.
Razini’s involvement in high-profile economic cases further clouded the motives behind the assassination. Journalist Fariborz Kalantari accused Razini of facilitating connections for prominent businessman Rostami Safa with the sons of the deputy of the Judiciary. These cases triggered significant shifts within the judiciary.
Mohammad Moghiseh: A Judge with a Distinct Style
Born in the village of Moghiseh near Sabzevar, Mohammad Moghiseh often returned to his birthplace to deliver speeches.
Many villagers shared his surname, including Mohammad Reza Moghiseh, who served as a representative of Mir Hossein Mousavi in the 2009 post-election committee investigating casualties. Several of Moghiseh’s relatives also held judicial positions.
Moghiseh’s speech was often difficult for prisoners to understand due to his strong accent and unique expressions, like calling Mahmoud Ahmadinejad "Mahmoodi Nejad."
Moghiseh, also known as "Naseri," was a key figure in the 1988 mass executions of political prisoners, a subject frequently brought up during the trial of Hamid Nouri.
His name resurfaced after the 2009 protests, with numerous detainees identifying him and his assistant, "Mojtaba," as figures of oppression. Moghiseh gained a reputation for shouting at defendants in court, frequently denying them the chance to speak.
He issued execution orders for several individuals arrested after the 2009 protests, including Mohammad Haj Aghaei and Jafar Kazemi, both members of the MEK. He also presided over the trial of Mehdi Hashemi, son of
Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Rafsanjani claimed Moghiseh had called the case "fabricated" by security forces.
Some of Moghiseh’s death sentences, such as those for Saeed Malekpour and Hamed Rouhinejad, were overturned on appeal.
During the 1980s, several judicial officials were assassinated by the MEK, including Mohammad Kachouei, killed by Kazem Afjaei, alleged to be an MEK infiltrator.
This incident prompted Asadollah Lajevardi to order the execution of Mohammad Reza Saadati, a senior MEK member. Lajevardi himself survived an attack but was later assassinated by the MEK in 1999.
In addition to politically motivated assassinations, some judicial figures fell victim to non-political actors.
Hassan Ahmadi Moqaddas, known as Judge Moqaddas, served as Tehran's Deputy Prosecutor and a Revolutionary Court judge. He was killed by Majid Kavousifar while driving home from his workplace in Tehran.
Interested in writing for IranWire?
Share your stories.
comments